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國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版

包郵 國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版

出版社:世界知識出版社出版時間:2022-09-01
開本: 16開 頁數(shù): 366
本類榜單:政治軍事銷量榜
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國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版 版權(quán)信息

  • ISBN:9787501265220
  • 條形碼:9787501265220 ; 978-7-5012-6522-0
  • 裝幀:一般膠版紙
  • 冊數(shù):暫無
  • 重量:暫無
  • 所屬分類:>>

國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版 內(nèi)容簡介

國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書》為年度系列出版物,長期對國際形勢進(jìn)行密切跟蹤和深入研究,對中國外交進(jìn)行深度分析和透徹解讀。《國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(20212022)》一書分為兩大部分:上篇為2021年國際形勢專題評述,包括“大國國情與外交”“主要地區(qū)形勢”和“國際及地區(qū)問題”三章,共12篇文章;下篇為2021年中國外交評析,包括“中國外交布局”“中國與國家及地區(qū)關(guān)系”和“領(lǐng)域外交”三章,共12篇文章。本書認(rèn)為,2021年是人類歷史上非常特殊的一年,百年未有之大變局與世紀(jì)罕見之大疫情交織疊加,國際形勢和國際格局進(jìn)一步向縱深演變。中國人民在以同志為核心的黨中央堅強(qiáng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下,萬眾一心,率先控制疫情,以元首外交為引領(lǐng),以團(tuán)結(jié)抗疫為主線,捍衛(wèi)國家利益、維護(hù)全球穩(wěn)定。

國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版 目錄

Foreword Part I The International Situation in 2021/2022 Chapter 1 The United States: Prioritizing Domestic Affairs and Restoring Diplomatic Traditions Chapter 2 Russia: Seeking Stability and Wrangling for Peace Chapter 3 Europe: Multiple Changes among Twists and Turns Chapter 4 Japan: Political Turbulence at Home and Assertive Policy Abroad Chapter 5 Southeast Asia: More Challenges, Stronger Recovery Chapter 6 South Asia: Security Upheaval, Social Unrest Chapter 7 Central Asia: Maintaining Stability in the Midst of Change Chapter 8 Latin America and the Caribbean: The Resurgence of the Left and Unabated Challenges Chapter 9 Africa: Striving for Self-reliant Development Chapter 10 Middle East: Overall Detente and Regional Unrest Chapter 11 World Economy: Full Recovery but Significant Variations Chapter 12 Global Governance: Delayed Action, Ongoing Crisis Part II China's Foreign Affairs in 2021/2022 Chapter 13 China's Diplomacy: Taking the Initiative and Riding the Waves Chapter 14 China-U.S. Relations: Steering Steady and Avoiding Confrontation Chapter 15 China-Russia Relations: Remaining Committed to Win-Win Cooperation and Moving Forward with Partnership Chapter 16 China-EU Relations: Making Steady Progress amidst Great Challenges and Embracing New Prospects through Joint Efforts Chapter 17 China-Japan Relations: Moving through Ups and Downs and Dealing with Rising Challenges Chapter 18 China-India Relations: Remained Challenges and Shared Expectations Chapter 19 China-ASEAN Relations: Thirty Years of Solid Development and a Promising Future Chapter 20 China-Central Asia Relations: Shared Future and Lasting Friendship Chapter 21 China-Africa Relations: Deepening Practical Cooperation in Solidarity Chapter 22 China-LAC Relations: Deepening Continuously and Showing Bright Prospects Chapter 23 China-Middle East Relations: Making Progress in Stability and Breaking New Grounds for Development Chapter 24
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國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版 節(jié)選

  《國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版》:  In 2021, Peru's leftists regained power, consolidating the regional wave of left turn. In 2019, the center left won the presidential election in Argentina. In 2020, Bolivians elected their leftist president. These three electoral victories helped the left gain momentum across the region, On July 19, 2021, the National Jury of Elections of Peru declared the leftist party candidate Jose Pedro Castillo Terrones the next president. An erstwhile obscure rural teacher, Terrones nevertheless defeated the right-wing presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori, which was a clear proof of widespread demand for changing the status quo. Keenly aware that the pandemic had not only taken a heavy toll on the economy but also splintered the society, the leftists came up with a winning strategy that catered to the interests of the lower and middle class.  The impressive performance of Chile's leftists at the Constitutional Convention provided fresh impetus for this wave of left turn. During the election of the Constitutional Convention in May 2021, the ruling center-right suffered a crushing defeat, failing to secure a critical one-third of seats in the body that would draft the new constitution. In stark contrast, the left and independent candidates won more than 50% of the seats, achieving a resounding success. The leftists also boasted impressive performance in local elections, with some prominent figures elected or re-elected as mayors by a considerable margin in major cities or districts. These successes in critical elections indicated that an economic model with heavy reliance on the power of the market was not the silver bullet. Far from being an eternal engine for economic growth, such a model instead perpetuated social and political polarization. Therefore, tougher stance on corruption, government intervention in economic and social development, and reforms to narrow social divide became a general consensus in Chile. Adriana Mufioz, president of the center-left Party for Democracy (PPD), told the media that the election results represented the victory of pro-reform forces in Chile. In December 2021, Gabriel Boric, a symbol of Chile's emerging political forces and a candidate for the left-wing Approve Dignity coalition, won the presidential election. This significant change in the balance of power in Chilean politics would have a spillover effect on the regional political landscape.  In 2021, Cuba and Venezuela, widely viewed as leaders of left-wing politics, took multiple measures to successfully cope with the pandemic and U.S. pressure. As a result, the political landscape in LAC was still dominated by left parties. There is no denying that mass protests-including those in Havana-that had been unseen for years were provoked by COVID-induced economic crisis and increasing hardship. But the critical trigger was U.S. incitement of political dissidents. Nevertheless, from the very beginning, the Cuban leadership was clear-eyed about the nature of these protests and took proper measures to maintain stability and to foil U.S. attempts to instigate a 6'color revolution". In the same vein, Venezuela's Maduro administration made all-out efforts to cope with U.S. unilateral sanctions, tackled the dual challenges of pandemic response and economic recovery, and tried its best to improve public wellbeing. Meanwhile, through the good offices of Norway and Mexico, the government and opposition parties reopened dialogue and achieved a preliminary agreement after three rounds of negotiations. Though the negotiation process was disrupted by external interferences, the situation in Venezuela increasingly stabilized an indication that it was never an easy task for the United States and its allies to undermine the foundations of the left by mobilizing their opponents.  The "pendulum effect" in Latin America politics clearly shows that neither side could score a final victory in one battle. The fundamental reason is that both the right and the left can garner popular support for their respective policies. The former advocated market-based allocation of resources to promote competition and economic development. The latter called on the government to play a bigger role in economic and social development in order to better protect the middle class and grassroots. Whenever the rightist market-based policies failed, the public would view the leftist government intervention more favorably. Whenever the leftist nationalization and welfare state became dysfunctional, the public would long for flexibility and freedom of the market. Thus, the left and the right have been alternating in power. Of course, sometimes one side adopted policies of the other side, leading to a temporary convergence to the center. Yet fundamental differences between the two sides remain unchanged. It is worth noting, however, that the pendulum is swinging at a faster pace, suggesting that the pandemic has had profound economic and societal impact, which in turn resulted in significant reshuffling of political forces.  ……

國際形勢和中國外交藍(lán)皮書(2021/2022)英文版 作者簡介

  中國國際問題研究院(China Institute of International Studies), the think tank of China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It conducts research and analysis primarily on medium and long-term policy issues of strategic importance, particularly those concerning international politics and world economy. It also carries out studies and offers policy recommendations on major events and pressing issues.  The Institute was founded in 1956 under the name of Institute of International Relations (IIR). China Academy of Sciences and later changed to the Institute of International Relations. It assumed the present name in December 1986, In 1998. the China Center for International Studies (CCIS), formerly a research institution under the State Council, was incorporated into CIIS. The staff of CIIS consists of nearly one hundred researchers and other professionals. Among them are senior diplomats, leading area-study specialists, and preeminent experts in major fields of foreign affairs. Young scholars at the CIIS all have advanced university degrees in international relations or related disciplines.  CIIS has its own professional library which is home to over 260,000 books. The collection on international affairs is among the best in the country.  International Studies is the bimonthly journal of CIIS, which provides an influential forum for the discussion of important international issues. Its contributors include CIIS researchers and outside foreign at Tairs experts. The English-language journal (China International Studies, which is another leading journal of CIIS, is the first English academic publication in China on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.

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