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美國重要歷史文獻選讀

包郵 美國重要歷史文獻選讀

作者:葉英主編
出版社:四川大學出版社出版時間:2022-06-01
開本: 26cm 頁數: 270頁
本類榜單:歷史銷量榜
中 圖 價:¥52.0(7.6折) 定價  ¥68.0 登錄后可看到會員價
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開年大促, 全場包郵
?新疆、西藏除外
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美國重要歷史文獻選讀 版權信息

  • ISBN:9787569048841
  • 條形碼:9787569048841 ; 978-7-5690-4884-1
  • 裝幀:一般膠版紙
  • 冊數:暫無
  • 重量:暫無
  • 所屬分類:>>

美國重要歷史文獻選讀 內容簡介

本書為四川大學2020年立項教材。本書所選篇目雖不涉及美國歷史上的每一個重要事件、每一種重要思潮或每一次重要社會運動,但都是具有代表性、對美國歷史與文化產生過重大影響的文獻。本書選篇34,文獻類型有演說詞、政論、宣言、文件、文學作品等,涉及美國的政治思想、種族問題、婦女問題等。每篇除文獻外還包括導讀、注釋和思考題三個部分。本書2013年初版,此次修訂,主編刪了9篇文獻,更正了一些不足和紕漏。*重要的是,主編在“導讀”中,增加了一些更具批判性的內容,引導讀者正確認識這些歷史文獻蘊含的各種思想觀念。本書編排以文獻產生的歷史時間為順序,而不是以主題思想為板塊;這樣讀者更容易觀察到在同一歷史時期,美國不同社會群體不同的關注點和生存狀態。比如讀者可以看到,在美國主流社會高談平等、自由、民主的同時,美國黑人正在發出反奴役反壓迫的憤怒吶喊(如大衛?沃克的《呼吁》),美洲原住民正被迫踏上西遷的“血淚之路”(如安德魯?杰克遜總統倡議和簽署的《印地安人遷移法》)。本教材適用于高等院校英語語言文學專業美國研究方向研究生,也適用于本科高年級學生。

美國重要歷史文獻選讀 目錄

1.The Mayflower Compact (1620)
2.The Declaration of Independence (1776)
3.What Is an American? (1782)
4.The Federalist No.10 (1787)
5.The Constitution of the United States of America (1787)
6.The Bill of Rights (1791) and Other Amendments to the Constitution(1798-1992)
7.First Inaugural Address (1789)
8.Farewell Address (1796)
9.First Inaugural Address (1801)
10.The Monroe Doctrine (1823)
11.David Walker's Appeal (1829)
12.Indian Removal Act (1830)
13.Self-Reliance (1841)
14.Civil Disobedience (1848)
15.Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions (1848)
16.Address to the Ohio Women's Rights Convention (1851)
17.Independence Day Speech at Rochester (1852)
18.Liberty and Equal Rights (1859)
19.First Inaugural Address (1861 )
20.The Emancipation Proclamation (1863)
21.The Gettysburg Address (1863)
22.What Social Classes Owe to Each Other (1883)
23.The Atlanta Exposition Address (1895)
24.The Significance of the Frontier in American History(1893)
25.Women and Economics(1898)
26.Wealth(1889)
27.Of Mr.Booker T.Washington and Others(1903)
28.The Meaning of Democracy(1912)
29.Principles and Ideals of the United States Government(1928)
30.The Four Freedoms(1941)
31.Atoms for Peace(1953)
32.Inaugural Address(1961)
33.Letter from a Birmingham Jail(1963)
34.I Have a Dream(1963)
參考文獻
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美國重要歷史文獻選讀 節選

  For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections.The name ofAmerican, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners,habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work ofjoint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.  But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.  The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great   additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated;and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength,to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West,already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence,it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, infiuence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.  Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.  While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations;and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government,are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.  These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire.Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere?Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal.We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

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