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牛津英文經(jīng)典威尼斯商人(英文版)/牛津英文經(jīng)典 版權(quán)信息
- ISBN:9787544783088
- 條形碼:9787544783088 ; 978-7-5447-8308-8
- 裝幀:70g輕型紙
- 冊(cè)數(shù):暫無(wú)
- 重量:暫無(wú)
- 所屬分類(lèi):>>
牛津英文經(jīng)典威尼斯商人(英文版)/牛津英文經(jīng)典 本書(shū)特色
“牛津英文經(jīng)典”(Oxford World’s Classics)為牛津大學(xué)出版社百年積淀的精品書(shū)系,譯林出版社原版引進(jìn)。除牛津品牌保證的quanwei原著版本之外,每?jī)?cè)書(shū)附含名家導(dǎo)讀、作家簡(jiǎn)介及年表、詞匯解析、文本注釋、背景知識(shí)拓展、同步閱讀導(dǎo)引、版本信息等,特別適合作為大學(xué)生和學(xué)有余力的中學(xué)生英語(yǔ)學(xué)習(xí)的必讀材料。導(dǎo)讀者包括牛津和劍橋大學(xué)的資深教授、知名學(xué)者。整套書(shū)選目精良,便攜易讀,實(shí)為親近名著的經(jīng)典讀本。 《威尼斯商人》是莎士比亞創(chuàng)作于1596—1597年的一部五幕喜劇,1598年首次演出,1600年出版。劇中的高利貸商人夏洛克、喬裝律師的鮑西婭已成為經(jīng)典莎劇角色,優(yōu)秀演員歷來(lái)用來(lái)挑戰(zhàn)、超越自我。時(shí)至今日,這部作品蘊(yùn)含的商業(yè)、法律、倫理問(wèn)題仍然被廣泛討論。
牛津英文經(jīng)典威尼斯商人(英文版)/牛津英文經(jīng)典 內(nèi)容簡(jiǎn)介
《威尼斯商人》是莎士比亞由喜劇轉(zhuǎn)向悲劇創(chuàng)作的重要作品,通過(guò)三條戲劇線索的交叉,描繪了資本主義早期商業(yè)和社會(huì)生活的廣闊圖景,塑造了鮑西婭、夏洛克等永恒的戲劇形象,自誕生以來(lái)一直是莎劇表演的常青佳作。“牛津英文經(jīng)典”的版本潤(rùn)色、編輯了早期文本,使用現(xiàn)代英語(yǔ)的拼寫(xiě)和標(biāo)點(diǎn)形式,并配有莎士比亞學(xué)者杰.L.哈里歐教授撰寫(xiě)的導(dǎo)讀與注釋?zhuān)治隽诉@部劇作的內(nèi)容演變、舞臺(tái)呈現(xiàn)歷史等,并配有劇照,是學(xué)生、演員、大眾讀者優(yōu)選的優(yōu)良版本。
牛津英文經(jīng)典威尼斯商人(英文版)/牛津英文經(jīng)典 目錄
List of Illustrations
General Introduction
Shakespeare and Semitism
Sources, Analogues, and Date
The Play
The Merchant of Venice in Performance
Textual Introduction
Editorial Procedures
Abbreviations and References
THE MERCHANT OF VENICE
APPENDIX
Speech prefixes for Shylock in Q1, Q2, and F
Index
牛津英文經(jīng)典威尼斯商人(英文版)/牛津英文經(jīng)典 節(jié)選
General Introduction ANY approach to understanding Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice inevitably includes a discussion of the vexed question of its alleged anti-Semitism. This Introduction to the play therefore confronts the question directly, focusing on the background against which the play must be considered and a comparison with another play famous, or infamous, for its portrayal of a Jew, Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta. From thence a discussion of the Merchant’s more immediate sources and its data continues, followed by a detailed analysis of the play itself, which emphasizes its ambiguities, inconsistencies, and internal contradictions. This discussion naturally leads into a survey of the play’s performance history, particularly its representation of the dominant character, Shylock, and the major ways he has been portrayed. The Introduction concludes with a discussion of the text and the editorial procedures followed in this edition. Shakespeare and Semitism Shakespeare’s attitude toward Jews, especially in The Merchant of Venice, has been the cause of unending controversy. Recognizing the problem, in the Stratford-upon-Avon season of 1987 the Royal Shakespeare Company performed The Merchant of Venice back-to-back with a production of Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta. The Jew of Malta, played as a very broad heroic comedy, was evidently intended to contrast with Shakespeare’s play and disarm criticism, such as the RSC had experienced earlier, in 1983, with a less successful production of The Merchant. To reinforce the strategy, Antony Sher, a South African Jew, was cast as Shylock. It almost worked, but not quite. Sher was largely a sympathetic Shylock, with swastikas and other anti-Semitic slurs used to underscore the money-lender as victim; however, the trail scene portrayed Shylock as extremely bloodthirsty. Interpolating some extra-Shakespearian stage business, borrowed from the Passover Haggadah, The RSC and Sher indicated that cutting Antonio’s pound of flesh was tantamount to a religious ritual of human sacrifice. Of course, nothing could be further from Jewish religious practice or principles, the aborted sacrifice of Isaac in Genesis 22 being the archetype of Jewish opposition to human sacrifice. In the event, Antony Sher’s Shylock was not far removed from Alun Armstrong’s Barabas. Looking closely at both Marlowe’s play and Shakespeare’s will clarify the attitudes towards Semitism in those dramas, but the background against which both were conceived is also important. Jews had been officially banished from England since the Expulsion of 1290 by King Edward, but the eviction was not quite thoroughgoing as was hoped. A few Jews, whether converts or not, remained in England in the intervening period before Oliver Cromwell invited them to return in the seventeenth century. There is sufficient evidence for this assertion, but whether Shakespeare or Marlowe actually knew any Jews may be irrelevant. In their plays they wrote not from personal experience but from a tradition that had evolved both in England and on the Continent of the Jew as alien, usurer, member of a race maudite. In Marlowe’s case, the tradition of the amoral machiavel was even more important than that of the money-lender. In these post-Holocaust days, it may be difficult for us to conceive how Jews were regarded and treated in Europe, including England, during the Middle Ages. They had few rights and could not claim inalienable citizenship in any country. Typically, they depended upon rulers of the realm for protection and such rights as they might enjoy. In the thirteenth century in England, for example, under Henry III and Edward I, they were tantamount to the king’s chattel. The king could—and did—dispose of them and their possessions entirely as he chose. Heavy talladges, or taxes, were imposed upon Jews—individually and collectively—to support the sovereign’s financial needs, and when the moneys were not forthcoming, imprisonment and/or confiscation usually followed. At the same time, the Church vigorously opposed the existence of Jews in the country, but as they were under the king’s protection the Church was powerless to do more than excite popular feeling against them. Contrary to common belief, not all Jews were money-lenders, although usury was one of the few means to accumulate such wealth as they had. Many Jews were poor and served in humble, even menial capacities. But as non-believers in Christ, they were a despised people, however useful, financially and otherwise (as doctors, for instance). Near the end of thirteenth century, when Edward had practically bankrupted his Jews, who found it impossible to meet his increasingly exorbitant demands for payments, the king decided to play his last card—expulsion. This act was not satisfying to the Church, but it proved the king with the last bit of income from that once profitable source. Since everything the Jews owned belonged to the king, including the debts owed them as money-lenders or pawnbrokers, the king became the beneficiary of those debts as well as everything else of value. Although Edward relieved the debtors of the interest on their loans and made some other concessions, he hoped to realize a sizeable amount of money eventually, however much he might later regret the termination—forever? –or this once lucrative source of income. Doubtless, some Jews preferred conversion to expulsion in England, as later in Spain under the Inquisition, and they took shelter in the Domus conversorum, the House of Converts. This institution dates from the early thirteenth century and was an effort by the Dominicans, assisted by the king, to convert the Jews to Christianity. The Domus conversorum in what is now Chancery Lane in London lasted well into the eighteenth century. Although at times few if any converts of Jewish birth lived there, in the centuries following 1290 it sheltered several from Exeter, Oxford, Woodstock, Northampton, Bury St Edmunds, Norwich, Bristol, as well as London and elsewhere where Jews had lived before being expelled. After the Expulsion, some Jews entered the realm for one reason or another, either as travelers and merchants, as refugees from Spain and Portugal.
牛津英文經(jīng)典威尼斯商人(英文版)/牛津英文經(jīng)典 作者簡(jiǎn)介
威廉?莎士比亞(1564—1616),英國(guó)文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期偉大的劇作家、詩(shī)人,歐洲文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期人文主義文學(xué)的集大成者,全世界卓越的文學(xué)家之一。英國(guó)戲劇家本?瓊森稱(chēng)他為“時(shí)代的靈魂”,馬克思稱(chēng)他與古希臘的埃斯庫(kù)羅斯為“人類(lèi)偉大的戲劇天才”。 莎士比亞流傳下來(lái)的作品包括38部劇本、154首十四行詩(shī)、兩首長(zhǎng)敘事詩(shī)和其他詩(shī)作。其中代表作主要為詩(shī)劇:《李爾王》《哈姆萊特》《奧賽羅》《羅密歐與朱麗葉》《威尼斯商人》等。他的作品是人文主義文學(xué)的杰出代表,在世界文學(xué)史上占有重要的地位。他的作品直至今日依舊廣受歡迎,在全球以不同文化和政治形式演出和詮釋。
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