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常識 版權信息
- ISBN：9787544773140
- 條形碼：9787544773140 ; 978-7-5447-7314-0
- 裝幀：60g輕型紙
- 冊數：暫無
- 重量：暫無
- 所屬分類：>
常識 本書特色
本書收錄了托馬斯?潘恩的《常識》《美國危機》《致杰斐遜的一封信》《人的權利》等論政治的精彩篇章，是政治思想史經典著作。由牛津大學奧里爾學院政治學研究員、導師Mark Philp導讀并撰寫注釋。 1，版本 該系列叢書是從牛津大學出版社引進的精校版本，是牛津大學出版社延續百年的版本 2，高水準的名家導讀 由牛津、劍橋等名校教授撰寫導讀文章，對提升讀者的閱讀鑒賞能力大有裨益 3，便利的閱讀體驗 全書有豐富的注釋、詞匯解析和完備的背景知識介紹，非常適合自主閱讀，提升閱讀能力 4，合理的品種組合 在浩如煙海的典籍中，牛津大學出版社根據多年數據積累，優選了有閱讀價值的文學、社科等品種 Oxford World’s Classics系牛津大學出版社百年積淀的精品書系。此番由譯林出版社原版引進。除牛津品牌保證的*威原著版本之外，每冊書附含名家導讀、作家簡介及年表、詞匯解析、文本注釋、背景知識拓展、同步閱讀導引、版本信息等，特別適合作為大學生和學有余力的中學生英語學習的必讀材料。導讀者包括牛津和劍橋大學的資深教授和知名學者。整套書選目精良，便攜易讀，實為親近世界級名著的經典讀本。
常識 內容簡介
本書收錄了潘恩的《常識》和《人的權利》等論政治的精彩篇章，是政治思想史經典著作。《常識》以先知般的洞察力和政治遠見，為北美人民分析了爭取獨立，在新的原則基礎上構建政府的必要性和可行性。潘恩高揚共和與民主的旗幟，批判封建等級制和君主政體，以無私熱情和務實思想為民眾提出了革命綱領，其影響經久不衰，有很強的可讀性。
常識 目錄
CONTENTS Acknowledgements Introduction Note on the Texts Select Bibliography A Chronology of Thomas Paine COMMON SENSE AMERICAN CRISIS I AMERICAN CRISIS XIII LETTER TO JEFFERSON RIGHTS OF MAN RIGHTS OF MAN Part the Second LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE ADDRESSERS ON THE LATE PROCLAMATION DISSERTATION ON THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT AGRARIAN JUSTICE Explanatory Notes Index ? ?
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常識 節選
COMMON SENSE Of the Origin and Design of Government in General, with concise Remarks on the English Constitution. SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher. Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamities is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others. In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish than to die. Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supercede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. Some convenient tree will afford them a State~House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right will have a feat. But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as a first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have who appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body would act were they present. If the colony continue increasing, it will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number, and that the elected might never form to themselves an interest separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the elected might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the happiness of the governed. Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right. I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected is granted. When the world was over-run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.
常識 作者簡介
托馬斯?潘恩（Thomas Paine，1737—1809） 英裔美國思想家、作家、政治活動家、激進民主主義者。美國獨立戰爭期間，他撰寫了鏗鏘有力并廣為流傳的小冊子《常識》，極大地鼓舞了北美民眾的獨立情緒。他也被視為美國開國元勛之一。
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